Zimbabwe divides SADC following disputed elections as 3 Presidents boycott summit and Ramaphosa arrives very late

Harare – The 44th Southern African Development Community (SADC) Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government, held in Zimbabwe on 17 August, was marred by the absence of three key regional leaders and the late arrival of another, highlighting growing tensions within the bloc.

Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who had spent millions of dollars on luxurious presidential villas to accommodate visiting dignitaries, found himself hosting a summit with significantly fewer attendees than anticipated, The Africa Reported has reported.

The most notable absence was that of Zambia’s President Hakainde Hichilema, the outgoing chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation. Hichilema, who was scheduled to open the organ’s meeting on 16 August, opted to attend virtually instead. He also skipped the summit itself, choosing to attend an event in Zambia while his Foreign Affairs Minister Mulambo Haimbe led the country’s delegation.

South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, who was expected to arrive the day before the summit, also arrived late, only appearing after the formal opening ceremony. Botswana’s Mokgweetsi Masisi and Mozambique’s Filipe Nyusi also arrived on the day of the summit.

While Zimbabwe’s press boasted about the attendance at the summit, the absences of Hichilema, Ramaphosa, and Comoros’ Azali Assoumani, along with the late arrival of others, raised concerns about the waning influence of the regional bloc.

Eldred Masunungure, director of the Mass Public Opinion Institute and a politics lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe, pointed to the systemic weakness of SADC, comparing it unfavourably to the once vibrant Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which he says is now exhibiting similar signs of decline.

“SADC has long been described as a rubber-stamping ‘talking shop’ that is long on symbolism and speechifying but short on action. It is not wired for effective and speedy action on matters that trouble it, and the SADC leadership tends to sidestep issues rather than confront them,” Masunungure told The Africa Report.

The absence of these key leaders, he argues, underscores the bloc’s inability to address critical issues effectively.

The summit took place against a backdrop of simmering diplomatic tension between Zambia and Zimbabwe, fuelled by Mnangagwa’s controversial comments about Zambia’s military cooperation with the United States.

In June, Mnangagwa told Russian President Vladimir Putin that he “felt lonely” due to Zambia’s relationship with the US, a statement that was widely seen as a veiled attack on Hichilema.

Zimbabwean officials have long accused Zambia of hosting a US military base, prompting Lusaka to officially file a complaint with SADC for mediation between the two countries.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana, a Harare-based political analyst, sees Hichilema’s absence from the summit as a symbolic gesture.

“When Hichilema did not attend the SADC summit, it told the whole story. It was not just the simple Comoros leader not attending. It showed that Zambia was not happy with Zimbabwe at all, especially Mnangagwa. We remember what he said to his counterpart Putin in Russia about Zambia,” he says.

The tension between Zambia and Zimbabwe is further exacerbated by the disputed 2023 Zimbabwean elections, which SADC election observers declared not free and fair. Nevers Mumba, a former Zambian vice president who led the election observers, was appointed by Hichilema in his capacity as the chair of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation at the time.

Mnangagwa’s election victory has been widely criticised as flawed, and many regional leaders did not attend his inauguration in September last year.

Rejoice Ngwenya, a Harare-based political analyst, believes that Zimbabwe’s actions have divided SADC.

“The SADC Electoral Observer Mission (SEOM) report left a trail of dishonour for Zimbabwe as host. The influence and credibility of SADC is at stake,” he says.

“Definitely Zimbabwe’s notorious human rights record is causative. Until that is resolved, I see a gradual disintegration of SADC,” Ngwenya adds.

Ahead of the Harare summit, there were calls from political parties in the region, including South Africa’s opposition Democratic Alliance, to move the summit elsewhere. This followed the arrests of over 100 activists by Mnangagwa’s government to suppress planned protests during the summit. Some activists were allegedly abducted and tortured by state security agents before appearing in court.

Despite the allegations of human rights abuses, SADC did not officially condemn them. Masunungure argues that the regional leaders are only concerned about human rights violations when there is widespread violence.

“There was not much bloodletting in Zimbabwe and, by that very fact, the abuses became a non-issue and were not raised at the summit. That will be the case elsewhere in the region,” he says.

The summit also highlighted the deep divisions within SADC, with some leaders appearing uncomfortable with Zimbabwe’s crackdown on dissent. However, Masunungure suggests that any leaders who disagreed with Zimbabwe’s chairmanship kept their concerns private, fearing a backlash from the Zimbabwean government and the ruling ZANU-PF party.

The absence of key leaders and the late arrival of others at the SADC summit in Harare underscore the growing tensions within the regional bloc. The disputed elections in Zimbabwe, coupled with the country’s human rights record and the simmering diplomatic tension with Zambia, have contributed to a sense of division and uncertainty within SADC.